"In their landmark study, Black Power:The Politics of Liberation, Kwame Ture and Charles Hamilton (in 1967) wrote about the profound limitations of ‘the coalition doctrine’, ‘a strongly held view int his society that the best – indeed, the only – way for black people to win their political and economic rights is by forming coalitions with … sympathetic organizations and forces’ (Ture and Hamilton 1992: 58). While eager to debunk the caricature of Black Power as a‘separatist’ political tendency opposed on principle to multiracial alliance, the authors attempt to clarify the pitfalls of any coalition politics that operated upon an inadequate understanding of the relations of power that condition them. They note the inevitability of coalition, but not without insisting that certain questions be addressed and certain mis-conceptions be rectified before the effort can be considered politically intelligent.  One of the most incisive challenges posed by Ture and Hamilton’s historic intervention is determining whether potential allies of black political initiatives have as ‘their central goal the necessarily total revamping of the society’ (Ture and Hamilton 1992: 60). In considering the legacy of Black Power for present purposes, the question we face is the following: is the political desire of non-blacks for coalition with blacks undermined to the extent that the former groups ‘accept the American system and want only – if at all –to make peripheral, marginal reforms in it’ (1992: 60), a social formation for which the exclusion of the category of racial blackness is a sine qua non? In this light, the analysis of this ultimately conservative allegiance and the proprieties of coalition it demands are matters of importance for a critical intellectual and political practice that does not condone the pieties of the new black/non-black division: ‘congratulating the will to US class-power as unmediated resistance’ (Spivak 1999: xii) and promoting the orthodoxy that ‘a hostile posture toward resident blacks must be struck at the Americanizing door beforeit will open’ (Morrison 1993: 57).”

-Jared Sexton, “Proprieties of Coalition: Blacks, Asians,and the Politics of Policing”

"In their landmark study, Black Power:The Politics of Liberation, Kwame Ture and Charles Hamilton (in 1967) wrote about the profound limitations of ‘the coalition doctrine’, ‘a strongly held view int his society that the best – indeed, the only – way for black people to win their political and economic rights is by forming coalitions with … sympathetic organizations and forces’ (Ture and Hamilton 1992: 58). While eager to debunk the caricature of Black Power as a‘separatist’ political tendency opposed on principle to multiracial alliance, the authors attempt to clarify the pitfalls of any coalition politics that operated upon an inadequate understanding of the relations of power that condition them. They note the inevitability of coalition, but not without insisting that certain questions be addressed and certain mis-conceptions be rectified before the effort can be considered politically intelligent.  One of the most incisive challenges posed by Ture and Hamilton’s historic intervention is determining whether potential allies of black political initiatives have as ‘their central goal the necessarily total revamping of the society’ (Ture and Hamilton 1992: 60). In considering the legacy of Black Power for present purposes, the question we face is the following: is the political desire of non-blacks for coalition with blacks undermined to the extent that the former groups ‘accept the American system and want only – if at all –to make peripheral, marginal reforms in it’ (1992: 60), a social formation for which the exclusion of the category of racial blackness is a sine qua non? In this light, the analysis of this ultimately conservative allegiance and the proprieties of coalition it demands are matters of importance for a critical intellectual and political practice that does not condone the pieties of the new black/non-black division: ‘congratulating the will to US class-power as unmediated resistance’ (Spivak 1999: xii) and promoting the orthodoxy that ‘a hostile posture toward resident blacks must be struck at the Americanizing door beforeit will open’ (Morrison 1993: 57).”

-Jared Sexton, “Proprieties of Coalition: Blacks, Asians,and the Politics of Policing”

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